This week also brought the most well known populist's term as President to an end, leaving the world pondering what impact will Trump's departure have on populism globally?@BAMbrettem examined the shifting trends in populism over the last 30 years: https://t.co/SQJjws5Le5 pic.twitter.com/d5fnUDIrv3— Tony Blair Institute (@InstituteGC) January 24, 2021
This is the most important thing I’ve ever written.— Josh Shahryar (they/them) #BLM (@JShahryar) January 23, 2021
My friend and family Lauren @Wolfe321 was just fired by the @NYTimes after the NYT was pressured by fascists, Trumpkins and hypocrites on the right for tweeting she had “chills” after witnessing Biden’s landing on the 20th. pic.twitter.com/YyWt0PubdR
Did I mention that Lauren is queer? Did I mention that she is Jewish with few family members because… the Holocaust?— Josh Shahryar (they/them) #BLM (@JShahryar) January 24, 2021
I don't understand how anyone at @NYTimes sat down and said, "Oh yeah, let's just cut her. Would look "good" to the fascists who want her fired."
But I'm bringing up Moose especially because just LOOK AT THIS FUCKING ATROCITY!— Josh Shahryar (they/them) #BLM (@JShahryar) January 24, 2021
This is a woman who has spent her life bringing truth to light. Putting her life at risk. Putting her mental health at risk. And she has to hug her doggo on the street, as she's stalked by fiends. pic.twitter.com/EhwNTfPLSQ
.@NYTimes I am scared for her life. I am scared for Moose's life. I'm scared of fascists hurting her now that they know her personal info because they are TELLING her they will hurt her.— Josh Shahryar (they/them) #BLM (@JShahryar) January 24, 2021
She can't be worrying about a job while she is a target of fascists. You can't do that.
The demographic time clock has already run out on True Conservatism. It is dead in the water. Populism is a different story and is still very much alive and growing at its expense.
“The image of a fortified Capitol, with some 30,000 security personnel on hand to protect the peaceful transition of power to Joe Biden and Kamala Harris — not from a foreign enemy but from a domestic terrorist attack — demonstrates the main challenge facing the new administration. Donald Trump has left the world’s most powerful country wounded and under threat of becoming a far-right dystopia. President Biden’s greatest challenge is not just to get a handle on a pandemic that has taken more than 400,000 American lives, destroyed millions of jobs and plunged the United States into the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. The president will have to repair the damage this brush with right-wing populism has inflicted on the country’s democratic institutions, and stave off its ideologues and enablers. …
As a reporter I covered the rise of Hugo Chávez’s neo-authoritarian government in Venezuela in 1999. In the decades since, I have watched as dangerous variations of nationalist populism have taken root throughout Latin America. According to Marta Lagos, director of the polling firm Latinobarómetro, 2018 was the “annus horribilis” of Latin American democracy, marking the lowest level of support since it was first measured regionally, in 1995. Now, I hope that Mr. Biden can help turn the tide. …”
We’ve been thinking that a post-Trump America would be similar in many ways to Louisiana in the 1920s before the rise of Huey Long. Hugo Chávez’s Venezuela though is another example of a populist movement that took over and dominated the professional classes of that country. Latin America shows how the United States might become more populist over time.
“Broadly, Chavismo policies include nationalization, social welfare programs and opposition to neoliberalism (particularly the policies of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank). According to Chávez, Venezuelan socialism accepts private property, but this socialism seeks to promote social property too, much like social democracy while also supporting participatory democracy. …”
Big Tech should be nationalized or given the Ma Bell treatment.
“In the 1990s Venezuela experienced the rise of a new anti-party movement built around the figure of Hugo Chávez and dedicated to the fundamental transformation of society, a movement that most Venezuelans call Chavismo. If we define populism in strictly political terms—as the presence of what some scholars call a charismatic mode of linkage between voters and politicians, and a democratic discourse that relies on the idea of a popular will and a struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’—then Chavismo is clearly a populist phenomenon. Chavismo relies on charismatic linkages between voters and politicians, a relationship largely unmediated by any institutionalised party. It also bases itself on a powerful, Manichaean discourse of ‘the people versus the elite’ that naturally encourages an ‘anything goes’ attitude among Chávez’s supporters. …”
In America, the White professional class despises the White working class who they look down on as racists and “domestic terrorists.” The larger group has massive cultural and economic grievances against the smaller group who believe in political correctness and open borders. Donald Trump was the first figure to tap into and mobilize those grievances to win the presidency. Trump was a demagogue who wasn’t held back by the antiquated ideology and norms of the mainstream Right.
These two charts illustrate a major flaw of White Nationalism and the Alt-Right. Both were based on White solidarity which simply does not exist across class, education and ideological lines. Normal people of all races are biased toward their own ingroup. White liberals have a negative White identity.
We’ve been talking a lot lately about Democratic Independent Liberal Elites (DILEs) and the ways in which they differ from other groups including other Democrats:
“The 2017 VOTER Survey data reveal stark demographic differences behind these issue preferences. DILEs (13 percent of the electorate) are heavily Democratic (67 percent) and liberal (77 percent), and are less than 1 percent Republican or conservative. They are also the youngest group, with 51 percent under 45 years old. The DILE cluster has the second-highest percentage of white voters (75 percent), behind only the CY cluster (79 percent). Their educational attainment is the highest of all the groups, as 86 percent have some college/an associate’s degree or more, with 48 percent having graduated college, and 22 percent having done post-graduate work. Finally, they have the highest income — with 26 percent making $100,000 or more, and only 10 percent making $30,000 or less. …”
These people are the core of the Left: White college educated, upper middle class professionals who have embraced modernist values and who are anti-White.
They are 13% to 22% of the electorate depending on the survey. It is an overwhelmingly White group who are modernist and anti-populist. White identity politics tends to obscure this reality. There is a tendency to look only at Jews and not at this larger anti-White progressive cohort.
Maybe we should focus more on values though? If it is other White people who are anti-White and who are dragging us down, why not focus on them? Why continue to act like all White people are on the same team? They don’t want us to be racist … fine. Let’s focus on attacking them instead.
Trumpism was fake populism that was mixed up with mainstream conservatism. The messenger was also an incompetent narcissist. Pro-White Longism or Chavismo would go further.