Mandatory pic pic.twitter.com/eWxuP2VSls— Jared Holt (@jaredlholt) May 4, 2021
Brits who lean right are 41 points more likely (!) than Brits who lean left to feel proud of Britain most of the time. A bigger gap than America, Germany & France— Matt Goodwin (@GoodwinMJ) May 5, 2021
Source: Pew Research pic.twitter.com/B5KQ0tLH14
? | NEW: Westminster Voting Intention:— Politics For All (@PoliticsForAlI) April 29, 2021
? CON: 48%
? LAB: 29%
? | NEW: Hartlepool by election result:— Politics For All (@PoliticsForAlI) May 7, 2021
? CON: 52% (+23)
? LAB: 29% (-9)
? LIB: 1% (-3)
? GRN: 1% (+1)
? REF: 1% (-25)
? NIP: 1% (n/a)
Changes w GE2019
I’m experiencing déjà vu.
It is almost like we are talking about the same class of people who have taken over the Democratic Party in this country and who are steadily transforming it into what used to be the old Republican Party.
“As council elections take place in the UK, one by-election in a Parliament seat has caught everyone’s eye. Hartlepool, a working-class Red Wall constituency that has never voted Conservative, elected a Conservative candidate for the first time. For those that have been following UK politics at least since the Corbyn era, if not before, this result was certainly interesting, but it wasn’t shocking.
Ever since the election of Tony Blair as Prime Minister, Labour has witnessed a decline in the share of working-class voters. While those in the far-left of the party may mock current leader Keir Starmer, and those on the center to right of the party may mock Corbynites, the fact is that this trend is structural and long in the making. Every single leader from Tony Blair to Keir Starmer is to blame.
To understand this trend, let’s look at how Tony Blair won in 1997 after an 18-year Conservative party spell. …
This sentiment reflected a growing schism between Labour’s professional-class voters and working-class voters —who had diametrically opposing cultural views— which was only to accelerate. Nonetheless, David Cameron’s Conservative party won 306 seats and formed a coalition with the Liberal Democrats as Labour was out of power after 13 years. Below is a map of Labour’s performance from 2001 to 2010. Pay special attention to the Red Wall working-class constituencies highlighted with a crimson rectangle …
The Labour Party is no longer the party of the working-class. It must first accept this fact before it charts out a path forward. Currently, Labour’s voter base consists of socially liberal, college-educated and professional-class urban voters who hate their country. They consider themselves global citizens rather than British citizens; their cultural policies are at odds with lower and middle-class Brits, and their economic policies assert their class dominance while at best throwing crumbs at workers. …
The picture is actually much more simple than what people might want you to think: you cannot win the votes of the working-class, or the British people, if you vocally despise both. …
In sum, the Labour Party is must radically change to appeal to the cultural and economic policies of the working-class instead of the professional class, or it will fade away into irrelevance. Either the party can be saved one last time, or it must be abolished to create a new one. Regardless, the status quo only paves the way for its demise.”
The “far right” in both countries are the same people: largely working class voters who were traditional Democrat or Labour voters who have socially conservative values and who were alienated by the extreme antiracism, cosmopolitanism and modernism of the PMCs who hijacked those parties.
“Not surprisingly, as Labour’s geography has shifted, so, too, has its ideology: away away from workers and classes, and toward the trendier lefty categories of race and gender. The Labour Party has, in a word, become “woke.”
So we might pause to hear the voice of Paul Embery, a trade unionist and disillusioned Labourite, who earlier this year published a book about what’s wrong with his party, bluntly entitled, Despised: Why the Modern Left Loathes the Working Class. In Embery’s telling, Labour has forsaken its communitarian and socially conservative roots and focuses now instead on a “poisonous brew” of wokedom and political correctness. Furthermore, it’s bulked up with “middle-class, Guardian-reading bohemians and pseudo-intellectuals … pursuing an uber-liberal, youth-obsessed, London-centric agenda.”
In other words, today’s Labour offers no home—and perhaps only contempt—for Embrey-type working stiffs. These are the men and women who seek home, place, family, relationships, and work. As Embery writes, “We are social and parochial beings with a profound attachment to place and a desire to belong. . . . Working class people seek to revive the politics of belonging, place and community as an antidote to galloping globalization.”
How the Americans Can Do It
So if we could earlier see parallels between conservatives on both sides of the Atlantic, we can now see plenty of parallels between leftists, there and here.
You see, the Democrats, too, have forsaken their origins as the party of laborers, farmers, artisans, and mechanics. And so the old Democratic coalition of our seventh president, Andrew Jackson—that combination of Southern Protestants and Northern Catholics that boosted Democrats for the better part of two centuries—has fallen apart. More precisely, the old Jacksonian coalition is now the new Republican coalition.
In the meantime, as happened to Labour in the U.K., the U.S. Democrats have become the party of the cities—blue dots, we call them. These new Democrats are on the left, and yet, as we know, it’s a wokey kind of leftism; as James Carville would say, too many of today’s Democrats are more snobbish than anything else.
Yet Republicans will only start to win big when they, too, can discern the angel in marble—that is, they can see the inner conservatism in working people of all races and genders—and shape it into electoral success.
Today, plenty of top Republicans—including House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Sens. Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley, and Marco Rubio—have spoken fondly of the GOP’s becoming the natural home for workers, and yet it’s fair to say that the process is still ongoing.
For instance, when another pro-worker GOPer, Rep. Jim Banks of Indiana—the new chairman of the House Republican Study Committee—put forth a detailed policy agenda, he was criticized by the third-ranking Republican in the House, Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming, who reportedly described Banks’ document as “neo-Marxist and wrong.” …”
All of this is well and good.
It really hinges though on whether the Republican Party is capable of representing the cultural and economic interests of working class voters and pushing a policy agenda that reflects its values. This new Republican Party would look like and sound like the old Democratic Party of the early 19th century under Andrew Jackson or the early 20th century under William Jennings Bryan.