I’ve been doing some reflecting lately on my political journey.
I didn’t give any thought to politics until I was a college student at Auburn University. I was a normie when I voted in my first election. I voted for Al Gore over George W. Bush in the 2000 election. Pat Buchanan ran for president in that election, but I had no idea who he was at the time.
2001 was a watershed moment in my life. I had become a gamer and normie conservative who lurked on the Free Republic forum. I was becoming concerned about issues like immigration, affirmative action and reparations for slavery. In those days, I was reading David Horowitz books when 9/11 happened. I came across Pat Buchanan’s book The Death of the West which was published shortly thereafter.
It was Pat Buchanan who first alarmed me about changing racial and cultural demographics. I became concerned about the future of my own ethnic group. It was that same fall that I discovered Stormfront and fell down the rabbit hole into the world of White Nationalism. I developed a strong sense of racial and ethnic identity that has never left me down to the present day. I am proud to be a White Southern Anglo-Saxon and will go to my grave believing it is natural and right to do so. This decision to stand my ground on this issue, however, has put me firmly outside the bounds of “mainstream” society.
If you believe that there are natural differences between the races and sexes, refuse to be cowed by terms like “racist” and “sexist” and proudly identify as a European in our politically correct culture, you are put by the media into the “far right” box. A few generations ago, virtually all White Americans whether on the Left or Right believed this, but if you believe this these days you are “far right.” If you doubt the wisdom of the Brown decision and are skeptical of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Civil Rights Movement, you are firmly outside of the mainstream and are labeled a “far right” white supremacist.
From Pat Buchanan, I absorbed his paleoconservative views on immigration, trade, foreign policy and social conservatism. From Jared Taylor and others, I learned about the science behind race realism. From Kevin MacDonald, I was turned on to the Jewish Question. During the first term of George W. Bush, I was mixing these views together along with other people who were my age who felt like outsiders under mainstream conservatism. We were evolving into the proto-Alt-Right on an archipelago of online forums.
In the 2004 election, I voted for John Kerry out of sheer hatred of George W. Bush. By this point, I was firmly against the neocons and the Iraq War. I was against globalization. I was against George W. Bush’s push for comprehensive immigration reform. I didn’t vote in the 2002 or 2006 midterm elections. I was called a liberal at the time by conservatives who supported George W. Bush to the end when his disastrous presidency finally ended in the Crash of 2008. I refused to vote for John McCain in 2008 because he was a neocon warmonger. I voted for the Constitution Party candidate.
Over the next ten years, I continued to grow and change. The biggest change that happened in this period of my life was my views on religion and morality. I had started out as an atheist and something of a nihilist while I was reading Friedrich Nietzsche while in college, but later I became more interested in Aristotle, Alasdair MacIntyre and Martin Luther. I changed my views on Christianity and eventually became a Lutheran. I also came to believe in virtue ethics and the necessity of moral training.
Around 2010, I began to see the flaws of White Nationalism more clearly. Identity is a complex multifacted issue. I began to doubt that White people who do not share a common culture, history and ethnic background are homogeneous enough to unite in any sense of the word. As a result of this thinking, I moved away from anonymous online White Nationalism to real world Southern Nationalism. I never ceased to be pro-White. I just started to balance it with being pro-South and pro-Christian. I still think of myself first as a White Christian Southerner and secondly as a European. It just seems bizarre to me that some people think it is immoral for us to have a racial and ethnic identity.
In the 2008 and 2012 elections, I supported the Ron Paul Revolution in the Republican primaries. I voted for him the first time because he was antiwar which was a big issue for me. I supported him in 2012 until he compared the U.S. Border Patrol to the Gestapo and opposed building a wall on the Mexican border because it would keep Americans locked in or some such nonsense. In 2010, I proudly supported the Tea Party Revolution on this blog after moving away from White Nationalism, but a year later was bitterly disappointed when anti-immigration bills failed in Republican-controlled state legislatures.
In the 2012 election, I once again voted for the Constitution Party candidate, but I encouraged my Northern readers to vote for Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan as a kind of shit test to see whether Northerners were capable of voting for two Yankees over reelecting Barack Obama. In hindsight, I later came to believe that the Yankees were right and that all things considered Obama was probably the better choice given the alternative which was to restore mainstream conservatism to power under Mitt Romney. After my bitter experience with the Tea Party Revolution, I didn’t bother to vote in the 2014 midterms.
By the time Donald Trump announced he was running for president in 2015, I had done an enormous amount of research in American history, particularly as it relates to the history of the South. Due to the fall of the Confederacy, I had developed strong views on a number of new issues: taxes, energy, infrastructure, health care, government regulation of the economy, public health and the environment. I knew that I wanted a strong state with a competent government that could deliver collective goods like strong borders and a more equitable distribution of wealth for workers. In fact, I would bore the BuzzFeed reporters who called me trying to get “gotcha quotes” in the 2016 election because I talked to them mostly about how I tentatively supported Donald Trump but was concerned about his tax policy.
During the 2016 election, I supported Trump to “move the Overton window” toward National Populism and wrote a series of articles called “The Case for Trump.” My stated reasons on the record to journalists at the time for supporting him were immigration, trade, foreign policy, campaign finance and political correctness. Trump was self financing his campaign to be free of the donors. He seemed to be breaking politically correct taboos. He promised to deliver a promising “America First” agenda. While Donald Trump certainly wasn’t my ideal as a Southern Nationalist, I went along with it because the Alt-Right had gained momentum and the positive energy online was attracting more people into nationalist politics.
After my bitter experiences with the George W. Bush presidency and the Tea Party Revolution, I was ALWAYS skeptical of Donald Trump. I was willing to give him a chance though. My attitude toward him in 2016 was “Trust, but Verify.” It quickly became apparent within two months of winning the 2016 election that Donald Trump could not be trusted. By the time of the Trump inauguration, I was already thinking we had been screwed by a conman. I didn’t even want to go to the inauguration in Washington, but we had already made plans to meet up with family so I bit my tongue and went anyway.
Over the last four years of the Trump presidency, my political views have continued to evolve and become more complex. I’ve thought a lot more about our social order and economic system and the impact it has had on our culture across American history. I’ve thought more about the steady expansion of freedom, equality, rights, individualism, tolerance and opposition to “bigotry” and how the envelope was pushed across generations and how these things were taken to ever greater extremes. The triumph of gay marriage and the mainstreaming of homosexuality on the Right under Trump has contributed to this. The manifest failure of the Trump presidency due to the power that big donors wield over public policy and the sweeping rollout of corporate tyranny has pushed lots of people in a more anti-capitalist direction. This was going on before Trump’s donors advised him to think of the coronavirus as the flu. In 2018, I sat out the midterm elections. Then n 2019, I briefly supported Andrew Yang’s campaign because UBI would put a floor underneath the working class and reduce extremes of wealth. I was also entertaining the idea of supporting a more moderate or centrist candidate after having given up on the idea that mainstream conservatism has anything to do with advancing social conservatism.
It is true that lots of people who supported Donald Trump in 2016 have changed their views and no longer support him today. I began my political journey around the time of 9/11 when the last Republican president plunged us into the Iraq War and went out of office in the Crash of 2008. I thought the George W. Bush presidency was a disaster because about 6,000 U.S. soldiers lost their lives in Afghanistan and Iraq. Speaking for myself, Iraq colored my views toward mainstream conservatism for 20 years. What should we make of this disaster when 100,000 Americans are dead on Memorial Day?
I don’t think it can simply be attributed to our health care system. The UK has the NHS and Britain has the second highest death toll in the world. It seems to me that the lesson we can learn from our present unfolding historical tragedy is that the countries that decided to “let it rip” like the USA, Britain and Jair Bolsonaro’s Brazil have tragically lost the most lives. They all dithered because taking decision action at an earlier stage to stop the coronavirus would have disrupted their economies. The clique of billionaires around Trump wanted to “ride it out.” This is due to naive short term thinking.
By the time this is over, this country will be in a very different place. That much is for sure. It is too early to say what the long term consequences will be. The experts think we are in the “second inning of a nine inning game.” If we end up losing 1 million or 2 million people to this virus, it will be the greatest loss of life in American history. I would like to think we would be capable of looking back on the last 50 years after such an unprecedented loss of life and reflecting on whether most of the things we argued about in Clown World before this happened ever really mattered. Maybe this will set us down the path to becoming a serious country again. If not though, we will all know once and for all where we stand.