Call them the True Cons.
Call them the Free Marketeers.
Call them Republican establishment voters.
Call them what they really are which is affluent, college-educated fiscal conservatives who are professionals who live in wealthy metropolitan suburbs and who have modernist and cosmopolitan values. Their upper middle class politics is essentially tax cuts and virtue signaling.
“Call them the Biden Republicans.
Like the Reagan Democrats, they’re heavily white and live in suburbs. But where the Reagan Dems are blue-collar and culturally conservative, Greenberg sees the Biden Republicans as more affluent, highly educated and supportive of diversity. Historically, they identified with the Republican Party as their political home. But the leaders who were supposed to fight for them seem to care more about white grievance and keeping out immigrants; seem to care more about social issues and “owning the libs” than about childcare payments and college tuition. They don’t consider themselves Democrats — at least not yet — but they are voting for them, delivering them majorities in the House and Senate, and making Joe Biden just the fourth candidate in the last century to defeat an incumbent president. …
I think there’s two kinds of Biden Republicans — two trends.
One of them is you saw quite affluent, very Republican towns [in suburban counties], and Biden got a very large percentage of votes from those counties. They are more affluent college graduates voting for Biden. Will they stick? They may, given how Trump is defining the Republican Party. …”
As neoliberal establishment voters consolidate around Joe Biden, the Democrats are held together less by economics than virtue signaling. Turn on your television and it is a chorus of PMCs talking about themselves and how much better than those other people who are a bunch of bigots.
The “center-right” voters used to virtue signal about racism while demanding tax cuts. The “center-left” voters virtue signal about racism while demanding immediate action on climate change. Until recently, they controlled both parties and always got their way because both parties catered to their preferences. This is why they hate Trump with the power of thousand suns for upsetting the apple cart.
“Now, with the support of Biden Republicans shored up — at least for the time being — Joe Biden is embarking on an audacious gambit that’s gone largely unnoticed, but, if successful, could kneecap national Republicans for a decade: Recapturing the support of the Reagan Democrats. …
And that puts Republicans in a strategically difficult position.
“You have this battle kind of in the mainstream between ‘Reagan Democrats’ — who voted for Reagan, came back to vote for Bill Clinton, some voted for Obama — and a whole new set of voters brought in by Trump,” says Greenberg.
In both 2016 and 2020, Trump brought in new voters — people animated by “white nationalism and racial resentment, and whose overwhelming motivation is a deep worry that Black people and immigrants will control the country,” and who are “voting straight-ticket [Republican] to ‘save the country,’” says Greenberg. But by courting those votes, Republicans risk pushing the Biden Republicans further into the Democratic ledger. …
“Trump voters, a large portion of them, want a welfare state that is dependable for working people,” says Greenberg. And Biden’s proposed $1.9 trillion Covid relief package could make a tangible difference in their lives. Do the Reagan Democrats stick with non-Trump Republicans if Biden’s Democrats deliver reopened schools, a strong economy, a huge investment in infrastructure and a $3,600-per-child benefit to families on top of a $1,400 stimulus check? …”
No, it doesn’t.
Consider the following problems with this strategy:
- We got $1,800 in stimulus out of Trump
- The $2,000 was Trump’s idea
- The Democrats have failed to raise the minimum wage
- Joe has retreated on $50,000 in student loan debt relief
- Joe will not succeed in moving the ball on health care
- Joe has attracted center-right neoliberal voters and pulling them out of the Republican Party means strengthens those who are opposed to neoliberalism and fiscal conservatism inside the GOP
Sure, Joe is doing things we support like, say, the infrastructure bill which Pelosi and Schumer blocked when Trump was president and reforming the child tax credit that is great, but what else are they doing? Are they doing other things which are at odds with attracting Reagan Democrats?
- Demonizing all Whites on the basis of their race as the oppressors of People of Color under the systematic racism conspiracy theory
- Total open borders
- Supporting the Antifa and Black Lives Matter riots
- Extreme attacks on American heritage like toppling statues of Christopher Columbus
- Gun control bills which are going nowhere but are extreme
- Having Merrick Garland threaten “far right” voters (i.e., the populist swing voters who are moderates on economics who voted for Trump)
- Censoring the internet
- Talking incessantly about “racism” and “white supremacy”
- Bizarre shit no one understands like canceling Dr. Seuss and Mr. Potato Head
- “Trans women” in women’s sports
- Globalization is back on trade
I could go on, and on.
The woke professional class who dominate the Democratic Party or the Democratic Independent Liberal Elite (DILE) voters have destroyed the brand by painting it in layer upon layer of toxic cultural shit. This is why Democrats lack the support in the Senate to pass virtually anything while many of their ideas are far more popular than their shrill cosmopolitan mouthpieces like Elizabeth Warren.
While I agree with Elizabeth Warren on the wealth tax, she also wants to open the borders and destroy people for being White. So what do you do? Can you take that risk?
“The shift of college-educated voters toward Democrats has been going on from the election of Bill Clinton in 1992, up through Gore in 2000 and beyond. I had a fight with Rahm Emanuel when he was heading the DCCC: James Carville and I were arguing that the congressional district lines had been drawn with the standard assumption that college-educated and wealthier voters were strong Republicans, but that in fact, that demographic had flipped, and if you went a little bit further than just the races with the most resources being spent, there were many more competitive seats than people realized. We won control of the House in 2006. And we gained seats in 2008 — which surprised people. But that was because of this trend. …
Trump brought in all kinds of new voters in 2016. And I didn’t realize that he could do it again in 2020. In the voter-eligible population, there was like a 1-point decline in the percentage of white non-college voters between 2016 and 2020. Yet Trump increased turnout — their share of the electorate — by 7 points. That was done by bringing in new voters.
The difference is [Trump’s] new voters are voting to “save the country” and solve the “demographic problem,” and they are voting straight ticket. Everybody else is kind of in between, [voting for some Democrats and some Republicans]. But they are voting to “save the country” from being this diverse place that has tolerant values and is open to immigration. And they’re voting for every Republican and against every Democrat, top to bottom. …
I do, at least with those people who are normal voters — that is, who are kind of in and out of elections. But on the white working-class and rural side, what happened in both ’16 and ’20 was this [surge of] new voters who hadn’t voted before. …”
Breaking Trump voters down into these neat little categories is a mistake.
We constantly hear phrases in the media like “right-wing populist” and “left-wing populist” and “White Nationalist.” The underlying assumption seems to be that the “White Nationalist” and “right-wing populist” voters don’t have views on economics and the “left-wing populist” voters don’t have views on culture. These are also completely distinct categories of people with irreconcilable differences.
What is a generic populist voter though? The populist voter has conservative cultural views and moderate views on economics and has a stronger sense of racial and ethnic identity than affluent, college-educated White professionals who have modernist and cosmopolitan cultural values. The generic White populist voter has strong views on race, culture, globalization, immigration, foreign policy, political correctness or wokeness and a host of other issues which are more complex than is generally acknowledged. The typical White populist voter is probably unfamiliar with the idea of a White ethnostate, knows little about Jews and has no hostility toward non-Whites, but feels tormented and under siege by our cultural and political elites. These people are not really aligned with the Democrats or Republicans but are somewhere in between. They backed Trump and have been trending Republican but most are Independents.