Yesterday evening, I spent some time outdoors here in Ol’ Alabammy thinking about all the different angles that come to mind when you examine the American South through the prism of “Black Run America.”
I had my grandfather’s pocket knife out and was using it to peel away at a stick: just piddling around, sitting on a stump, and wasting time really, doing something with my hands while my mind was preoccupied with an analytical problem.
It occurred to me that you can subdivide this huge topic into any number of distinct categories: BRA region, BRA public safety, BRA culture, BRA racial etiquette, BRA discourse, BRA politics, BRA philosophy, BRA history, BRA economics, BRA race relations, BRA education, and so on.
Over the past month, I have been mashing up these categories as I have waded into this topic. In the months ahead, the analysis here will become much more refined as we identify and define the various unspoken rules that comprise this racial system and use them to build an interpretative framework.
BRA Education: In Retrospect
Before the we delve into today’s topic, I would like to organize three stories we have already discussed into the same category, BRA in education.
(1) There is the Belleville bus beating and the subsequent racial disturbances in Belleville over the past year that have started on integrated school buses.
In a society founded on the basis of uplifting black people, White parents are expected to voluntarily place their own children in dangerous situations. A utopian mania is allowed to override even the most powerful of parental instincts.
(2) There is the Heritage Foundation study which revealed that per pupil spending on black students is higher than per pupil spending on White students.
In the BRA, White parents shoulder a disproportionate tax burden, which the federal government uses to squander on a utopian racial uplift project instead of allowing parents to follow their instincts and invest their resources in their own offspring. This is also radically at odds with human nature.
(3) There is the Nashville gentrification story about SWPLs reclaiming 365Black neighborhoods in “the inner city.”
The most significant aspect of this story is the type of Whites who are moving into these areas: retiring Baby Boomers and SWPL couples who are moving there for lifestyle reasons.
Young Whites are adapting to the implicit taxes imposed on them by majority black public schools and long commutes from the distant suburbs to work and cultural amenities in Nashville by foregoing the reproductive process altogether.
Black Run America is having a direct causal impact upon White fertility levels. There is no human instinct more powerful than the urge to mate and reproduce. Yet even that is numbed in the society we have inherited.
The thought process goes something like this: I can’t afford to have children in this 365Black neighborhood because the integrated schools are dysfunctional and unsafe, but I can’t afford to relocate to a distant suburb where the schools are majority White, so having kids will have to be put off until some later point in life.
A BRA Education
There are many other facets to this story alone.
The education of children plays a huge role in the life of every White family. It often determines where and how White people choose to live in America. It determines which communities attract new businesses. It determines how much in taxes that communities are willing to pay in exchange for public services. It determines what we believe (i.e., historical revisionism) and how we see the world (i.e., which theories are taught and which ones are excluded).
This is also a topic which directly connects a racial angle with the everyday experience of White Southerners (i.e., a possible bridge to a wider audience). It needs to be explored in much greater detail.
Some of the White people who have the most extreme form of contact with Black Run America are the White teachers, principals, professors, and support staff who are on the front lines of the war being waged by the federal government to force racial integration in the public schools and to make the hated racial gap in education disappear.
If anyone could pull the curtain down on the ‘BRA, it is the White teachers who have to put up with the 365Black behavior, test scores, and Afrocentric curriculum in American public schools.
When I was 15 years old, a White teenager in an integrated public school in the American South, I couldn’t understand the cultural significance of a movie like “Dangerous Minds” which was released in 1995, which in hindsight was a film about the BRA education that I was being subjected to.
Now back to the story of peeling away at the stick: the more you try to pare down the topic of Black Run America into specialized niches, even focusing on just one region or state where the system is now in place, the more you realize there are layers upon layers to the story, which are interconnected in all sorts of hidden ways.
We are only scratching the surface here.
Recent Stories: BRA Education
There are two recent stories crossing my desk which open up new windows on BRA in education:
(1) In Huntsville, Alabama, a White principal named Mike Livingston at Highlands Elementary School is suing the Huntsville school board, claiming that his contract wasn’t renewed on the basis of race, and that favoritism is being shown toward blacks by corrupt negro officials.
(2) Back in February, the Huntsville NAACP was making national headlines over the local “schools crisis,” which is purely a black stupidity crisis. The NAACP is opposing efforts to end the 41 year old court order that still governs desegregation in Huntsville schools.
In spite of 41 years of forced integration, the NAACP claims that a “dual system” still exists in education, and points to racial differences in employment and educational achievement to make their case:
“At the top of the group’s wish list is the elimination of what it considers a “dual system of education.”
Sams said a look at enrollment statistics and student test scores shows that Huntsville has “failed miserably” at satisfying the 1970 desegregation court order that the city schools continue to operate under.
A symptom of that divide, the group alleges, is the drastic achievement gap between black and white students in the city’s school system. Sams described Huntsville’s school system in the statement as “one for black students, on the north end of town, separate, unequal and academically unsuccessful, and one for the white students on the south end of town, marginally academically successful.”
A recent analysis, prepared by an NAACP member, indicates a gap of 40 points between the percentage of white and the percentage of black students scoring at the state’s top levels on basic reading and math tests. That gap is larger than the statewide average, which is closer to 25 points.
The Coalition’s statement also said it would fight all legal attempts by the school system to get out from under the desegregation order until the racial and academic inequities are resolved. The U.S. Department of Justice and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund continue to oversee the city’s compliance with the federal court order.
On Monday, the local NAACP Coalition also said that if “mutually satisfactory steps are not taken to solve our concerns” they could ask the Alabama State Department of Education to take over the city school system, if necessary, and request Department of Justice intervention.
“The answer to this problem is not business as usual, which serves only as a lubricant for those with the means to ease their slide into institutionalized or privatized segregation through the proliferation of private schools,” Sams read to a bank of news cameras.
In Black Run America, negro equality in education can never be discredited by any amount of empirical evidence which has consistently shown:
(1) Blacks are not as intelligent as Whites.
(2) Integration as a policy has failed to erase the achievement gap.
(3) No amount of lawsuits, government spending, or even a black president can realize the liberal fantasy of abolishing racial disparities in education.
And the rot goes much deeper than that.
There is a kind of mental disease behind all of this (i.e., BRA philosophy) which assumes the existence of negro equality and subordinates logic and reason to that operating assumption. The evidence alone doesn’t lead anyone to that conclusion.
Among White true believers, it is all based on a millenarian vision, moral conviction, and faith in the power of government to triumph over reality. In order to believe this crap, an ideal usually imposed on strangers, especially the White working class, they have to compartmentalize their own minds.
Ritual shaming is used to browbeat conservative Whites into giving lip service to this nonsense. Millions of Whites entertain doubts and quietly adapt by the “slide into institutionalized or private segregation” that the NAACP deplores.
In racially diverse areas, White families end up paying taxes to support the majority black public school and then tuition for a private school to give their own children with a decent education, and they also pay taxes to subsidize everything from food to healthcare to housing for blacks.
“Those who make peaceful revolutions impossible make violent revolution inevitable,” said Alice Sams, the Huntsville NAACP president, demanding even money and subsidized failure from the financially strapped White community.
Whites who work in public education like Mike Livingston are expected to perform on the basis of the flawed assumption of racial equality. This is reflected in BRA discourse: Huntsville has “miserably failed,” the State of Alabama has “miserably failed,” the public schools have failed, but never are the black students and black parents or the black community and black culture in general labeled as “miserable failures.”
“Society” has failed them.
The legal system is nothing more than a tyranny of government overseers which keeps the whole rotten system on life support. Economics will have the last word in this argument though.